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This is my Nation


 General Elections 2009; a distinct possibility

Clearly, the war effort in the North has had an impact on voter sentiment. The Government’s main slogan has been a plea to the voter to allow it to continue to be in power, so the war could be pursued to a finish. It is a plea that resonates with the southern electorate much more than the Opposition’s appeals for a political settlement to the ethnic issue.

It is also a strategy that has been extremely useful in the face of mounting economic uncertainty, where a global credit crunch and recession has led to a spiralling cost of living in this country, further aggravated by a spate of court decisions reducing tariffs and prices in vital sectors of the economy

Last week saw a momentous moment in Sri Lanka’s war against terror. The city of Kilinochchi was liberated sparking national celebrations and signifying that the Eelam war was being prosecuted to a finish.

The significance of the fall of Kilinochchi was described by many analysts as being the hub of operations for the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). It was the de-facto capital of the terrorists and the centre from which they administered the areas under their control. In that sense, and from its central and strategic location, it was a key town to win control of.

But the fall of Kilinochchi has other implications as well. The political fallout of this military victory cannot be discounted, as the ruling United Peoples’ Freedom Alliance (UPFA) and the main opposition parties, the United National Party (UNP) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) jostle for power.

The bone of contention here is the General Election which must be held by April 2010-fifteen months hence. There has been speculation for some time now that the Poll will be brought forward by President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who will be keen to reap the maximum benefit of his popularity in the aftermath of the military victories.

Nevertheless, it is not a decision that can be taken with merely that consideration. That is because unlike one year ago, the President now does command a stable majority in Parliament albeit with the support of defectors from the UNP and the JVP. This was amply demonstrated at the budget vote in 2008 where the Government romped home comfortably, unlike in 2007 when it was subjected to an acid test at each stage of the vote.

Thus far, the ruling party’s strategy has been to hold Provincial Council elections instead, winning comfortably in the Eastern, North Central and Sabaragamuwa provinces already, and bracing themselves for Polls in the Central and North Western provinces in a few weeks time.

It has been a successful ploy. Not only does the UPFA regain power in the provinces, it also succeeds in depleting the financial resources of the collective opposition. And, each time the ruling party registers a victory, it demoralises the Opposition and strengthens the public perception that the Opposition is now incapable of winning elections and that the ruling party is on a roll.

Clearly, the war effort in the North has had an impact on voter sentiment. The Government’s main slogan has been a plea to the voter to allow it to continue to be in power, so the war could be pursued to a finish. It is a plea that resonates with the southern electorate much more than the Opposition’s appeals for a political settlement to the ethnic issue.

It is also a strategy that has been extremely useful in the face of mounting economic uncertainty, where a global credit crunch and recession has led to a spiralling cost of living in this country, further aggravated by a spate of court decisions reducing tariffs and prices in vital sectors of the economy.

The latter in particular dented the Government’s popularity, resulting in the authorities deciding that it would take on the courts of law; hence, the decision not to implement the price reduction on petrol ordered by the Supreme Court, a stand-off that is still continuing.

What the ruling party fears, is that the economic war would escalate beyond control over the next fifteen months- so much so that the electorate will forget the spoils of war and vote with one look at their purse strings. After all, George Bush (Snr.) revelled in the glory of a gush of American patriotic fervour after winning the first Gulf War, but lost his bid for re-election as the economy went into a nosedive.

President Mahinda Rajapaksa would not wish for such a scenario in Sri Lanka, which is why some of his advisors are urging him to go for early Polls. The Polls after all, won’t alter his fate - his first term ends only in 2011.
Last week’s decision to ban the LTTE is yet another signal that the Government has one eye cast on the mood of the Sri Lankan voter. The ban, for all practical purposes, is a cosmetic exercise, the only practical implication being that it rules out the possibility of negotiating with the Tigers.

But this has not happened for the past few years, there is no inclination for peace talks right now as the military makes headway each day in the theatre of conflict, and even the Opposition is compelled to compliment the military victories for fear of antagonising the southern voter. And anyway, if there was a window of opportunity to secure a worthwhile deal with the LTTE, the ban could be revoked at anytime.

The Opposition, therefore, is trapped in a difficult situation. The more military victories the Government achieves, the more perilous its predicament becomes, but at the same time it dare not speak against the war for it would evoke the wrath of the south. Its only hope for a reversal of its fortunes is the ruling party’s relative inefficiency in managing the economy.

President Rajapaksa obviously will bide his time for as long as he can, before calling for General Elections. Right now, it is more likely to be later rather than sooner because Provincial Polls in the Western, Uva and Southern provinces are next on the cards, before a National Poll. Nevertheless a General Election in 2009 appears a distinct possibility.

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